In a recent conversation on these pages a recurrent theme came up - the assertion that this that or another policy pursued by the US is for this that or another material, economic interest. Such economic determinism is at its purest and most simplistic in the assertion that the US went to war in Iraq in 2003 'because of the oil'.
Material incentives play a role, and depending on which individual actor you're talking about, this role may be significant. But, in the larger collective of the Borg and their consensus narrative this plays a rather more limited role than generally assumed I argue. Whatever material benefits individual players derive from policy don't matter so much for the rest of the pack.
I will exclude trade policy here, since that is a field in which the assumption that the US imposes corporate interests as part of foreign policy actually does hold some water IMO - not so in foreign policy proper.
Monetary concerns usually do not drive decisions over matters of confrontation, war and peace. In the larger context of foreign policy the allegation of economic interests ruling supreme is IMO hogwash. Take the US war on Iraq from 2003:
The US went to war in Iraq in pursuit of the harebrained idea that the Greater Middle East could be remade in America's image, and that war would be the tool of choice. The righteous use of force would, without compromise, cleanse and deliver these countries from oppressive evil, starting with Iraq (but, according to the initial plan, not ending there).
This scheme is rooted in an ideological point of view that sees the West as having arrived at the end of history, the pinnacle of civilisation - and that it is the US burden to drag the silly backward Middle Easterners into modernity, kicking and screaming if need be. There is no profit interest in any of that. The idea was to 'cut the gordian knot', and remake Iraq from a clean slate, waiting for spontaneous order to emerge (Iraqis apparently no 'homo oeconomicus', more like a 'homo gentis'), into a (per se peaceful) democracy (not-so peaceful counter-example: the US), and the opportunity to do business is a bonus, embraced by US opportunist with relish, and in neoliberal thinking free trade and free enterprise would be good for peace anyway, would uplift the locals from their statism and is, in effect, doing god's work etc. pp.
If one buys into the notion of economic determinism, all of that is irrelevant or just hogwash for the rubes.
But that is simply not so: It ignores that the neocons and other players are decidedly not rubes (fools and buffoons perhaps, but that is another matter entirely), their ideas are all stuff being taught as orthodoxy in US universities and, indeed, they believe(d) in what they called for as policy. You have neo-liberals for instance believing with quasi-religous zeal that they are doing god's work i.e. the pursuit of economic policy is a means to an end. To suggest that these players invaded Iraq 'for oil' doesn't do their motives, and errors, justice, and is not conductive to an understanding of what actually happened in 2002/2003.
This point is not trivial. It is the explanation why many economic determinists, often on the left, have been unable to engage in effective discussion over matters or foreign policy. Just like the folks who rely only on Fox or MSNBC as a source of news, viewing events through the materialist prism they get less than half the story.
Screaming 'No blood for oil' will forever fail to engage for instance a man like Cheney to whom Iraq never was about 'blood' or 'oil' anyway. Selectively looking at only at potential economic drivers (Secret energy task force! Halliburton no-bid contracts!) at the exclusion of the rest of a much wider picture means to seriously misread policy and getting the story dead wrong.
It also, and this is worse, prevents desperately needed serious debate on the success, failure, merits and demerits of past and present policy. Economic determinism reduces the other side to a monster who kills out of greed. In fairness, Cheney, for all his flaws, vices and follies, is more complex than that. When Dick Cheney, for good reason, cannot take serious the 'no blood for oil' crowd, they got no one to blame but themselves - they they are, after all, not making a reasonable argument but reduce Cheney to a cartoon villain (for which he is eminently suitable). They are, as a result, talking to themselves. Cui bono?
Think instead of the policymakers in and around the US administration as a layer cake. Each layer has its own colour, flavour and texture and it is that slice of pie, the sum of it, that makes up policy. Money and material interests are just one layer in the slice. Domestic, partisan politics is another, so is economic policy, strategic interest (Risk, not Monopoly) and finally - though the list is far from exhaustive - ideology (neoliberalism, neoconservatism, hard right nationalism, R2P do-gooderism, Izrul über alles, abstract political or economic theory etc. pp.) - and PR/propaganda provides the icing.
Policy is being created at the hands of the president in the policy making process, where all these players, to varying degrees, succeed to add their views, goals and interests and in which obscure bureaucrats like Nuland can play a very decisive role. But policymaking is a collective effort and the outcome is rarely as neatly clear cut as one of Martha Stewards cakes.
by confusedponderer
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